Banaler Nationalismus: Unterschied zwischen den Versionen
Keine Bearbeitungszusammenfassung |
(dispute with postmodernism) |
||
Zeile 3: | Zeile 3: | ||
Examples of banal nationalism include the use of flags in everyday contexts, national songs, symbols on money, popular expressions and turns of phrase, patriotic clubs, the use of implied togetherness in the national press, for example, the use of terms such as ''the'' prime minister, ''the'' weather, ''our'' team, and divisions into "domestic" and "international" news, etc... Many of these symbols are most effective because of their constant repetition, and almost [[subliminal]] nature. | Examples of banal nationalism include the use of flags in everyday contexts, national songs, symbols on money, popular expressions and turns of phrase, patriotic clubs, the use of implied togetherness in the national press, for example, the use of terms such as ''the'' prime minister, ''the'' weather, ''our'' team, and divisions into "domestic" and "international" news, etc... Many of these symbols are most effective because of their constant repetition, and almost [[subliminal]] nature. | ||
Michael Billig's primary purpose in coining the term was to clearly differentiate every-day, endemic [[nationalism]] from extremist variants. He argued that the academic and journalistic focus on extreme nationalists, seperatist movements, and xenophobes in the 1980s and 90s obscured the modern strength of nationalism, by implying that it was a fringe ideology. He noted the almost unspoken assumption of the utmost importance of the nation in political discourse of the time, for example in the calls to protect Kuwait during the [[1991 Gulf War]], or the [[Falklands War|Falkland Islands in 1982]]. However, in earlier times calls to the "nation" were not as important, when religion, loyalty, or family might have been invoked more successfully to mobilize action. | Michael Billig's primary purpose in coining the term was to clearly differentiate every-day, endemic [[nationalism]] from extremist variants. He argued that the academic and journalistic focus on extreme nationalists, seperatist movements, and xenophobes in the 1980s and 90s obscured the modern strength of nationalism, by implying that it was a fringe ideology. He noted the almost unspoken assumption of the utmost importance of the nation in political discourse of the time, for example in the calls to protect Kuwait during the [[1991 Gulf War]], or the [[Falklands War|Falkland Islands in 1982]]. However, in earlier times calls to the "nation" were not as important, when religion, loyalty, or family might have been invoked more successfully to mobilize action. He also uses the concept to disupte "[[post-modernist]]" claims that the nation state is in decline, noting particularly the continued hegemonic power of American nationalism. | ||
[[Category:Nationalism]] | [[Category:Nationalism]] |
Version vom 25. Februar 2007, 06:31 Uhr
Banal nationalism refers to the everyday representations of the nation which build a sense of national solidarity in the citizenry. The term is derived from Michael Billig's 1995 book of the same name. Today the term is used primarily in academic discussion of identity formation and geopolitics.
Examples of banal nationalism include the use of flags in everyday contexts, national songs, symbols on money, popular expressions and turns of phrase, patriotic clubs, the use of implied togetherness in the national press, for example, the use of terms such as the prime minister, the weather, our team, and divisions into "domestic" and "international" news, etc... Many of these symbols are most effective because of their constant repetition, and almost subliminal nature.
Michael Billig's primary purpose in coining the term was to clearly differentiate every-day, endemic nationalism from extremist variants. He argued that the academic and journalistic focus on extreme nationalists, seperatist movements, and xenophobes in the 1980s and 90s obscured the modern strength of nationalism, by implying that it was a fringe ideology. He noted the almost unspoken assumption of the utmost importance of the nation in political discourse of the time, for example in the calls to protect Kuwait during the 1991 Gulf War, or the Falkland Islands in 1982. However, in earlier times calls to the "nation" were not as important, when religion, loyalty, or family might have been invoked more successfully to mobilize action. He also uses the concept to disupte "post-modernist" claims that the nation state is in decline, noting particularly the continued hegemonic power of American nationalism.